He was educated at the Royal Highschool in Stuttgart from and steeped in both the classics and the literature of the European Enlightenment.
Recollections of the Civil Rights Movement shape the way we comprehend and respond to a protest that remains sharply contested. The civil rights struggle of the s and s aimed to remove racial barriers that confined, degraded, and marginalized racial minorities, particularly blacks.
After half a century, people today recall the movement in different ways for different purposes. The filter of memory is used to contour the politics of the present. It is not unusual nowadays to find celebration of the defeat of Jim Crow in, say, National Review.
Of course, things were different when the movement was in the midst of the very battles that we now commemorate.
Siding with segregationists inNational Review denounced Brown v. The central question … is whether the White community in the South is entitled to take such measures as are necessary to prevail, politically and culturally, in areas in which it does not prevail numerically?
The sobering answer is Yes—the White community is so entitled because, for the time being, it is the advanced race.
There are undoubtedly older conservatives who have sincerely repudiated their earlier opposition to the movement. There are also young conservatives who have never had to reverse course because they grew up after the civil rights revolution.
They are closeted racial reactionaries. And occasionally they blurt out what they really think. Had Thurmond prevailed, segregation, racial suppression, denial of the right to vote, and the rest of the Jim Crow system would have persisted.
For him, and for a hard-to-determine number of other conservatives, history took a bad turn when the movement came out on top in its struggle against Jim Crow. Johnson and Martin Luther King Jr. We see that in the federal courts.
Exhibit A is John Roberts, the chief justice of the U. In Shelby County, Alabama v. It is more likely, however, that the sympathetic historical narrative he posits is merely pretext—a way to sanitize the evisceration of civil rights legislation without appearing racially reactionary.
Am I being unduly cynical?
Roberts has repeatedly spoken with feeling of his deep admiration for William H. Rehnquist, the justice for whom he clerked and the chief justice he succeeded. Rehnquist was a stubborn opponent of the civil rights revolution.
He was also wily and devious. As a law clerk for Justice Robert Jackson when Brown v. Board of Education was argued, Rehnquist favored affirming the constitutionality of legally mandated segregation. He saw nothing fundamentally wrong with Plessy v.
Decades later, after Brown had won the day in terms of public opinion, Rehnquist deceitfully denied having argued against Brown when he was a law clerk. He lied during Senate confirmation hearings on his nomination to associate justice inand then again in hearings on his nomination to be chief justice in His prevarications constituted an integral part of what Professor Brad Snyder calls the conservative canonization of Brown—the process in which conservatives ceased attacking Brown but worked to restrict its practical reach.
Just as the conservative wing of the Court posited exaggerated racial progress to truncate the Voting Rights Act, they pursue the same strategy when it comes to remedies for racial isolation in public schools.
This distorted view of history is then used to disallow racial selectivity to maintain racial integration. In Parents Involved in Community Schools v.
Seattle School District No. Abjuring the briefs of those who now fill the shoes once filled by Thurgood Marshall, Chief Justice Roberts and the conservative wing ruled that, outside the context of higher education where promotion of diversity may be allowed on very narrow groundsthe aim of ensuring racial integration in classrooms cannot justify race-conscious means of allocating students.
The one that permits the continuation of racial separation? Or the one that encourages racial integration? Roberts and his conservative colleagues chose the former.
Theoharis notes that when Parks died on October 24,at the age of 92, she was accorded an extraordinary measure of public recognition. Later, pursuant to legislation, a statue of Parks was placed in the Capitol, the first honoring an African American.
But as Theoharis shows, the actions of Rosa Parks were neither apolitical, nor adventitious, nor individualistic.
Parks had been an activist long before the day she famously refused to move to the back of the bus.The Civil Rights Movement: — Nancy MacLean Northwestern University After the s the civil rights movement confronted new issues and forged new alliances. Economic equality lagged behind social and political equality, especially in the nation's cities.
Civil Rights Movement bibliography. Freedom Movement Bibliography. See also: Books Written by Freedom Movement Veterans. Concerted efforts to desegregate schools statewide did not begin until after the U.S. Congress passed the Civil Rights Act of Little Rock was an important base for the expansion of the civil rights movement in the s.
Gay rights movement: Gay rights movement, civil rights movement that advocates equal rights for gay men, lesbians, bisexuals, and transsexuals; seeks to eliminate sodomy laws barring homosexual acts between consenting adults; and calls for an end to discrimination against gay men and lesbians in employment, credit.
Ella Baker: Ella Baker, American community organizer and political activist who brought her skills and principles to bear in the major civil rights organizations of the midth century.
Baker was reared in Littleton, North Carolina. In she began attending the high school academy of Shaw University in. The Mexican American Civil Rights Movement, one of the least studied social movements of the s, encompassed a broad cross section of issues—from restoration of land grants, to farm workers rights, to enhanced education, to voting and political rights.